Occupy Insights - inside occupy wall street anarchists perspective

David Graeber - Inside Occupy
What is the anarchist movement Occupy? David Graeber, we believe, then very much. The anarchist and anthropologist presented with "Inside Occupy" Occupy his personal story of how Wall Street.

"Since nothing more can go wrong!" I think when I see the blue sticker on David Graeber's "Inside Occupy": "Includes 24-page guide Revolution". A very nice advertising idea, which has been publishing since the campus thought, even though the 24-page booklet does not contain what the title promises. In addition to cards with Occupy camps in Germany and internationally, and an interview with the Frankfurter activists Erik Buhn it contains a "Glossary Occupy". A concept described herein is "anarchism". Günter Neeßens - he wrote the glossary - conception of anarchism is based on the current practices of anarchists - that also supports the view David Graeber. Anarchism is reduced to a "radical democracy", the focus seems to be the individual. Would that be so, Karl Marx had in his criticism of the early anarchism quite right, but it lacks the explanations of certain basic requirements: anarchisms always had a notion of community, society and is entitled to social equality and distributive justice. The orientation towards a consensus is far from consensus, it corresponds to anarchism as representing David Graeber him, but also in his own organization, with the Industrial Workers of the World, there are very different positions, such as those Graeber's union colleague Tom Wetzel has his text "On organization" made clear.

"Left utopia of the future" (FAZ)?

Anarchism is modern, he manages to Occupy again thanks to the media. Not only in "Inside Occupy" in the Suhrkamp-ribbon "Occupy" is the knowledge of what anarchism is provided mainly. The conservative Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ) has named the fall of 2011 equal to the guiding ideology of anarchism in the new century and saw Marxism replaced. This new public interest resulted in fact in no small part from the publication of David Graeber's work, an anthropologist, activist, anarchist, and globalization critics Wobblie (term for members of the Industrial Workers of the World - IWW). Have been published to date in addition to the "Anarchist Anthropology" and "free from domination" by Peter Hammer Verlag, only shorter texts in anthologies of small publishing houses left, so we owe the public interest, three new German publications: "debt. The first 5000 year appeared "in May 2012, Klett-Cotta. The scientific study that would wait probably without Occupy still a translation, is certainly the most notable new release Graeber, six months before publication printed the mirror - as it did with Thilo Sarrazin unspeakable "Germany abolishes itself" - a chapter from and Graeber was in autumn 2011 and spring 2012 in the German culture through all the letters for party leaders and in theaters and museums razed. Graeber analyzed here "debt" as a dispositive that the entire human race had shaped over thousands of years. Ironically, the Bertelsmann subsidiary Pantheon simultaneously published an anthology of political essays under the title. "Fight Kamikaze capitalism: There are alternatives to the dominant system" (review also in this issue here first, this collection is in Greek, entitled "Movement, would have appeared violent, Art and Revolution "and so Graeber says himself in the preface to the German edition, influenced the revolt in Greece strongly Exemplary here is the change of title by the Bertelsmann Group. violence and art sale is obviously not as good as a criticism on a "kamikaze capitalism," which conceals the same with that Graeber is a critique of capitalism as such goes. But Bertelsmann may also be called "Kamikaze capitalism" is meant to feel what the publisher is not contesting well. The is the historic home advantage of capitalism, to integrate its own Kritiker_innen and marketing.

The Campus Press, a name already one with the highest academic claim, published in this vein, another book Graeber. "Inside Occupy" is a very subjective view of the emergence of Wall Street Occupy.

How it all began ...

Left activists in the German-speaking countries should be familiar to some, as described by Graeber. "Occupy" is, according to Graeber created exactly the way a number of initiatives in this country: After an event in an information charging a beer at the pub around the corner. The description of the first meetings on Wall Street, home of the World Workers Party rips the organization itself and an open microphone for mountain demo calls, differs in nothing from the Okkupierung the Hartz IV protests by the MLPD. But at that moment happens, the decisive thing in the German-speaking countries is neither 2004 nor 2011 happened: The "horizontal", as Graeber calls them - anarchists, Zapatist_innen and syndicalist unionist trade unionists - hang on in spite of spreading boredom and will ultimately prevail with the request to conduct a real General Assembly, by. Activists of the Trotskyist ISO (in this country earlier shift to the left or SAV) are trying to convey nor will, but then partially convinced of the direct democracy approach - "obviously, no one has (...) said that the position of the ISO in this respect is to always push for a majority vote" (p. 193), as Graeber notes archly in a footnote.

It is these anecdotes from the early days of Wall Street Occupy that make Graeber's book worth reading. About how the liberal activists meet with Ägypter_innen, politically, although quite different on it, but looking for their American allies, but rather among the anarchists than among left-liberals. Or how the "human microphone" was invented, or, as an anthropologist Graeber notes, was more likely to be rediscovered. However, if you expect an analysis of the motivations, processes and Occupy in a relationship with the economic crisis, even data on the nature of the concern of the American lower classes, who will be disappointed. In the chapter entitled "Postings", we are indeed many individual stories, which removed the Tumblr site, "We Are The 99%" and are all moving and interesting to analyze how these individual stories are connected socially and economically, leaving graves, however, his Leser_innen . Instead of a materialistic derivation of crisis and revolt scattered graves in a democracy, history, in a very specific, favored by Graeber consensus method ends, which he then describes in great detail.

Democracy, the state, capital ...

As an analyst of modern capitalism Graeber is to criticize well. Werner Plumpe in the FAZ has rightly pointed out that Graeber's scientific bestseller "debt" in the time since the end of Bretton Woods (the unilateral abolition of the gold standard by the U.S.) argumentatorisch thin. Ingo Stützle has graves in the journal analysis & criticism, and on his blog is opposed to Marx professional criticism, based on the fact that Graeber fails ultimately ahistorical conception of money, credit and blame for the fact that this view has no theory of value and no understanding of Any term change. These shortcomings have on the descriptions in "Inside Occupy" from. According to The tombs that date could hardly be more talk of capitalism, because banks are not acting as Kapitalist_innen - this would be it "only in India, Brazil or in Communist China" (p. 67). The observation that the capitalist system receives an increasingly feudal character, is indeed quite true, but here is the unfortunate separation between financial and real capitalism reproduced. This affects also Graeber's critique of the state: As his critique of capitalism ultimately remains a criticism of the current status of capitalism, in which the state is a new way to a pure agent of the capital (as expressed by Graeber, the capital is no longer acting with the state, but by him through it), you always believe that we would want to back neo-Keynesian fashion, the old relationship between the state and capital. At the same time, the state is always the same one for Graeber functioning machine of repression that is to abolish it. From this perspective, it also results in positions such as that markets are not problematic as such without a state - a position that the "libertarians" who criticized Graeber otherwise (very nice! P. 188f) agree, would.

Anarchists have to defend themselves for nearly two centuries against the stereotype that they are ingénues who would believe in the natural goodness of man. This naivety is not from the classics of anarchism pick out, but emphasized the various anarchist theorists, that man always has a choice between positive and negative behaviors (of course in each of its historical possibilities). The Neoanarchismus after 1968 has this prejudice, however, accepted in part to the self-description, and Graeber's anthropological perspective, which to some extent familiar with an "essence" of humanity supports this new naivety. His anarchism is ultimately less influenced by anarchist tradition and theory than on the discussions of the New Left, particularly the Autonomous. The consensus model, which he favors, comes from "Starhawk", a popular author of spiritualism in the United States. His idea of ​​direct action has more to do with black block than fighting with the economic concepts of the IWW. And ultimately this neoanarchistische view fits better to Occupy: For the primacy of historical anarchism has always been the organization, while Occupy - one of the few aspects in which Occupy in the U.S. and in Europe the same - denied the organization, but instead an exaggerated has individualistic freedom claim, after everyone adds seiner_ihrer affinity join at any time following a group or they can leave. This only works if it determines the content of these groups, and not when it lays claim to the "99 percent" of his exploited, thus creates a social criterion.

On the other hand, and here is "Inside Occupy" exciting again, says Graeber also an old anarchist tradition of anti-utopianism. Like Marxism, anarchism arose quite early in the rejection of socialist utopianism, simply because this was an authoritarian streak. The Frühsozialist_innen had more time trying to create finished plans for a future society, and this exactly translate. No reason to forgo utopia, communism and anarchism rejected from this approach because: "From a historical perspective, this is ridiculous. When society changes, depending on a plan come about? "(P. 180) It develops its democratic Graeber, comprehensive and above all social, that is, not to a violent overthrow point with a power running out, model of revolution. This too is not new, this understanding of theorists such as Rudolf Rocker Revolution developed from the experience of the German Revolution of 1918/19, the Stalinist and fascist threat as well as from the experiences of the Spanish Revolution. Graeber, but it also developed from the current state of capitalism and resistance to this - and this is not always exciting to read only but in the current situation and a strategic debate worth.

Media hype and mass movement

David Graeber is available in the history books. This is an objective statement, which we do not endorse and is not justified. The media has a historical situation that leads to riots globally, the cause of the social dynamics have picked a leader who will remain, simply because of its ubiquity in the media memory. The following translations are already in preparation. Debt is the author of the book after 2012 probably have no more. Although conservative media spots as the FAZ anarchism, they ask but no local real existing anarchists, as they have to, but then stick but rather returned to Occupy-activists to end social democratic positions, such as the aforementioned Erik Buhn ("I personally consider the social market economy is a good compromise, "he says Sarah Wagenknecht, following in the mirror 18/2012). Graeber itself does little to qualify its position in the media world. Again and again he calls sent to its central role: as a stooge for the Greek revolt, or as the inventor of the 99-percent parole. He stressed though, the slogan "We are the 99%" is a joint product, but just the three persons, of which he is the one before, the critical mail, "perhaps (...) the most important e-mail of my life" ( 36), had written: "How about, 99% movement '?" staged similar tombs themselves again and again - is the partial withdrawal of good form, but when it actually comes to the breakdown of hierarchies. This self-presentation fits poorly to Graeber's in front of them worn claim that "less is located on the clarification of its position in the movement" to him (p. 123).

It would be illusory to believe, riots or protests, as they are currently represented in front of him would come out without committed, driving individuals. However, they are not the alpha and omega of a movement like Occupy. David Graeber's used quite remarkable, even its theoretical use is more than respectable, without having to agree with all aspects must be: at the hippieeske sign language to supposedly simplify democracy was already there squatting in the last century, artificial and a Wobbliespricht Graeber shockingly little of class antagonisms. Nevertheless, Graeber anarchism has once again made speakable. Make these fruitful seeds, which now have another.

Aspects of "Occupy" phenomenon

(HPD), David Graeber is a prophet of the "Occupy" movement and describes commentary positions, strategy and tactics of the anti-capitalism protesters. This is done more from a personal and subjective perspective, which nevertheless provides an interesting insight into the inner workings of a major protest movement of the present.

With the request, "Occupy Wall Street!" Occupied in September 2011 activists critical of capitalism in a park in New York's financial district. The attention of the media made this movement is known worldwide and sparked protests in many countries of similar shapes. But what do the "Occuy" protagonists? As they proceed strategically? How do they organize themselves? David Graeber on these issues in his book "Inside Occupy" a.

The author is not a neutral observer, but he is a prophet of the movement. On the one hand Graeber defined themselves as anarchist activists of the union, "Industrial Workers of the World", on the other hand, he teaches at Goldsmiths College, University of London anthropology. In his book, he discusses the "beginning of a mass democratic movement in the United States of America's very own unique contribution to a global movement that ... threatening in one way or another, almost all existing power structures began "(p. 171).

For the purposes of personal descriptions and reflections Graeber is one of five chapters on different aspects of "Occupy" phenomenon: First, he says simply of the first actions, just what is the occupation of the introductory mentioned Zuccotti Park in New York's financial district. Then the author discusses various issues that deal with the positions and the effect of the protest movement. He stated a surprisingly wide media coverage, attention and spread would have made possible. In addition, Graeber says, "... the movement has not come in spite of the anarchist elements of existence. Rather, it owes its success to them "(p. 78). For him, there is even a revolutionary movement, even if they can not formulate a clear position against the existing social and economic order. A fundamental change is necessary because capitalism "no longer in partnership with the state together, but just working through it" (p. 90).

As an alternative to a direct democracy seeks Graeber, but which would have had the Founding Fathers of the United States their problems. It is true "democracy" as distinct from its reduction to the act of voting to define it differently: "Democracy is nothing more than the process of collective reasoning based on the principle of full and equal participation" (p. 120). For the political way there, the author formulates positions on issues of strategy and tactics. In this context, he devotes considerable attention to the consensus, this must be combined with a radical decentralization. A new society should not be created from nothing. One could build on existing forms of a better society: "We only need the freedom to expand zones, is up to the highest organizing principle of freedom" (p. 188). Ultimately, should be respect for the irreconcilable Distinguish the basis for the commonality in social life.

Graeber's book must be regarded as very personal and subjective view of the protest movement. Package he collected them in his anarchistic interpretation of self-understanding. Whether this basic concept is now also present at the activists in the same manner, may be doubted with good reason. Also raises the question of whether the protest movement really represents 99 percent of the people. With that comes a certain intellectual and political arrogance. Anyway problematized Graeber not their democratic legitimacy. Also masses of activists do not necessarily speak for the people.

If one is however aware of the partiality of the author, many passages will be read quite a profit. Graeber stated correctly that the media report quite favorably on the "Occupy" movement. For this he also mentions a few reasons. He also discussed the appropriateness of a consensus principle for decision making, initially for a protest movement, but also for a whole society.

Disappointed U.S. Left seeks warmth in Occupy Wall street movement

The messiahs hype for Barack Obama's many U.S. leftists today embarrassed. That without it everything would have been much worse can come, hardly comforting. The new excitement is the Occupy-motion. 

Human ties are more valuable than bonds, stands on the sign of an activist. The word "bonds" can mean both

 U.S. Elections 2012
John Duke is with Barack Obama as little happy as he once was with Bill Clinton. For decades, the social worker and union official from Minnesota public sector prefers to live under a mild disappointment among Democrats as a Republican upset. For a little heat left the nest, it takes him to meet with like-minded. The crime scene: Netroots Nation, Providence (Rhode Iceland).

More than 2700 activists, bloggers, trade unionists, lobbyists for environmental protection, illegal immigrants, blacks, LGBT (Lesbian-Gay-Bisexual-Transgender) and a handful of established politicians, the Democrats are about to spend a weekend in June in the capital of the smallest U.S. state come to exchange ideas during panel discussions and workshops.

They are united by their support for Obama and painful feeling of being left and think right, without, however, to call on the left. You may feel like a great political family, coupled also in disagreement, quoted Raven Brooks, director of Netroots, in his welcoming address at the seventh meeting since 2006: From the Occupy-Wall Street protesters have we learned that "size is not reached, by asking for permission, "he adds." Some of us have forgotten the " Pressure for the just cause of President, government and the Congress was their civic duty fucking.

Audience stares at his laptop

Social justice, taming of capitalism, environmental protection and fight against any discrimination based on race, sex, sexual orientation or visa status are their issues, their legitimacy will not be discussed. Those who belong to the Netroots Nation, brings LGBT without stuttering on the lips.

The group is multi-colored, young and incredibly online. As compelling as the need for continuous bond is on the net that speakers and discussants have a hard time forcing eye contact with the audience, which mainly stare at the blinking laptop.

About the debates is a pleasantly anarchic train, for example in the round "Free your ass - why sexual liberation is the key to the fight against the rights." 50 years ago fought for women's sexual freedom, are now gays and transsexuals to it. New sounds, that at least three women on the podium to confess as insatiable "bitches" (Sluts), a liberated negative charge of self-praise.

While digital sex for most of the left is still hopefully less exciting than the analog version, it behaves in exactly the opposite political mobilization. Just as Barack Obama's election victory in 2008 without social media, and the multiplication of volunteers and small donors would have been unthinkable on the network, it is absolutely the future of movements such as Wall Street Occupy (OWS).

Vaclav Havel was a minister of reconciliation

The former dissident Vaclav Havel was among the leaders of the "Velvet Revolution" of 1989 in Czechoslovakia.
Image as an E-Card
Prague / Munich / DAPD The one was the admission of guilt too far, others saw it as no more than a first step. As the new president of Czechoslovakia, Vaclav Havel, 1990 a few months after the "velvet revolution" the expulsion of the Sudeten Germans condemned as wrong, he had to realize what a serious undertaking is the Czech-German reconciliation. He did not discourage them.

With his commitment to the Czech-German reconciliation, it was Havel always more than just improving the relationship between two nation states. It was for him a key step on the path to achieving your goal of a European community of values. "Especially, we have a lot to thank him German," said Chancellor Angela Merkel (CDU) on Sunday and praised him as a "great European".

Right at the beginning of his tenure as president of the former freedom fighters had set a clear sign: Only four days after his election led him in early January 1990, his first foreign trip to Germany.

On 15 March 1990, the 51st Anniversary of the occupation of Prague Castle, the Wehrmacht, Havel received his German counterpart, Richard von Weizsäcker. He spoke not only from the suffering that the Germans to the Czechs have done, but also from the injustice of the expulsion of the Sudeten Germans by the Czechs: "Instead of all those who have betrayed their country to abide, tidy, we have driven them out of the country and be punished with a punishment that did not know our legal system. It was not a punishment, it was revenge. "Many innocent people had to suffer. The Czechoslovak President condemned in this context, "the immoral principle of collective guilt."

Similarly, Havel said during his whole 13-year tenure as the Czechoslovak and later Czech head of state on numerous other occasions. For many Czechs, however, this stance was unpopular. Again and again, the former president was accused of abusing his position, he excused overstepping his authority if he opts for "a just punishment for the brutal acts" of the Germans. According to Havel was a minister of reconciliation more than one representative who speaks for the people of his country. A large part of the Czechs did not share his views on the expulsion.

Many Sudeten German functionary looked again encouraged by Havel's apology to the demand for much more extensive steps: the controversial Benes decrees would be taken back and the Germans expelled from their homeland to be compensated. Two claims but granted the President a clear rejection.

Havel said in the Bundestag in 1997, just as Germany the tens of thousands of victims of National Socialism could not restore life, "may also present the Czech Republic the expelled Germans back their former homeland." Yet he assured the Sudeten Germans, "that they are welcome, not only as guests, but also as our former fellow citizen, or their descendants, who have their centuries-old roots and a right to know that we perceive their connection to our country and pay attention. "

Anti-Wall Street demonstrations in the U.S.

As the greed of the elite provokes protest

The demonstrations are chaotic and confusing messages: But it would
be wrong to dismiss the protesters in New York as a spinner. Because
they depend entirely on the legal view of the deep divisions in
America. Currently it is that Wall Street collects everything and the
rest of society gets nothing - and that must change soon.

They have no leader and no set goals, and only the feeling of being in
the majority. "We are up 99 percent," chanted the young Americans, the
past two weeks under the slogan "Occupy Wall Street" (German for: Busy
Wall Street) in New York go on the road. Their protest is chaotic and
many of her messages are confused. Yet it would be wrong to dismiss
the protesters as crackpots. They direct our attention to the deep
divisions in America. For that alone they deserve respect.
Video

New York - Anti-Wall Street protesters paralyze Brooklyn Bridge

"We are the 99 percent": To say the Wall Street squatters those who do
not pay their mortgages. Those who fear for their jobs. And those who
have to plunge into debt just to get a degree. The remaining one
percent does not know these worries. 40 percent of national wealth
accounted for by the thin layer of the super rich, the gap with the
rest of the country since the days of the railroad barons no longer so
great.

More and more this imbalance develops a serious burden for American
democracy. Wall Street is the breeding ground of the upper class.
There also highlight a mediocre banker million bonuses, failed to be
adopted by heads of golden handshakes, individual hedge fund managers
earn more than many industrial group, and if the rise is not
speculation, a jump of the taxpayers.
Display

Even before the financial crisis characterized by Citigroup analysts
Ajay Kapur, Niall Macleod and Narendra Singh, the U.S. economy as
"Plutonomie". The economic growth will be generated and consumed by
the upper classes, the rest is not much left.

Since the crisis, the opposition have deteriorated further. The
capital markets have recovered, despite the recent turmoil, but the
location of most Americans is deteriorating. Real estate prices will
find no support, and the unemployment rate has stagnated at
recessionary levels. The middle class slips, faster, deeper and
deeper.

Already in the 80 years this erosion process has begun, as the
factories in the Midwest closes down its doors. But never sounded the
American promise of being able to create their own efforts to throw
up, so hollow as it is today. Advance their careers, only graduates of
elite universities, but which are only open to talented high - and the
already wealthy anyway. So goes the cement lost, which holds the U.S.
society.
Protests left and right

Benefits of all this to Wall Street. For the growing social divide
increases the demand for loans. How else's house, the car and the
education of the children are paying for? Deep unease is spreading.
More and more Americans get the feeling that their country will no
longer be governed for the benefit of the majority, but in the
interest of a small elite.

This fuels the protest, not only on the left side of the political
spectrum. Even the arch-conservative Tea Party movement is a reaction
to the loss of economic security, except that they are the wrong
answers. The Tea Party is, prescribed in the spirit of the big
industrialists who give the activists organizational and financial
backing, a policy of deregulation. This is the recipe that would
accelerate the decline of the middle class yet.
Image gallery to the topic
Hundreds of arrests in New York
Showdown at anti-Wall Street protest

Wall Street set themselves against the demonstrators. You pull for a
fairer America on the road, even if they do not know exactly how they
want to achieve that. Some call for tax increases, a break-up of other
financial corporations. Would help both. But what America needs most
are education reforms. If the assets are already unequally
distributed, must be preserved at least the opportunities for
advancement.

Anger unites Left occupy Wall Street

Anger combines Left occupy Wall Street
Less than three weeks it was just a pile of students, now there is a
mass movement: In New York Thousands demonstrate against the power of
the banks - and the actions take long to other cities like
Philadelphia and Baltimore to the east of the country, St. Louis in
the Midwest as far away as Los Angeles, Seattle and San Francisco in
the West.

Thousands of demonstrators have protested in New York against the
power of the banks and the growing inequality in the United States.
Accompanied by a large police contingent of the march passed through
the Financial District in Manhattan. The protesters carried placards
with slogans such as "Save our Republic" and "equality, democracy,
revolution."

The mostly left-wing groups and unions to join now.

The mostly young protesters chanted, "We are 99 percent," and played
with it on the richest one percent of the U.S. population from which
they feel betrayed. According to data from trade union circles up to
12,000 people participated in the demonstration.

The protest movement had received in recent days, more and more
popular after the middle of September had first activists in Zuccotti
Park near Wall Street set up a protest camp. Meanwhile, the movement
has the backing of leading trade unions. Also in Los Angeles, Boston,
Chicago and other cities have formed small offshoot of Wall Street's
critics. A similar demonstration was planned in Washington.

This past weekend was at a similar protest march on New York's
Brooklyn Bridge more than 700 people were briefly detained. The bridge
had to be closed for several hours because of the rally on Saturday
afternoon.
Merges all the rage

The movement is limited long gone to New York.

The specific objectives of the heterogeneous group with the slogan
"Occupy Wall Street" ("Busy Wall Street") are unclear. The list of
complaints ranging from expensive tuition fees up to the high
unemployment rate falling rents. The movement is held together by the
rage that especially the middle class and the poorer people had to
suffer the consequences of the financial crisis.

"I think that everyone here feels robbed," said the 29-year-old
Lindsey Personette. "They have difficulties to make ends meet." The
26-year-old Kelly Wells, who had come specially from the state of
Oregon on the west coast for the protests in New York, hopes to
further boost by the growing support: "More participants, more power,
more publicity."

The New York Louise Slaughter MP, who sits for the Democrats in the
House of Representatives, expressed her sympathy for the movement.
Slaughter said she was "so proud" that Wall Street's critics rise up
against the "unbridled greed" on banks and corporations and would
"peacefully participate in our democracy."

Despite Arrests Wall Street demos are expanding

After it was demonstrated at the weekend on Wall Street against the
power of financial groups, the protests have expanded despite mass
arrests to other cities. "They thought we would go, but we are not,"
said one protester.

Following the arrest of 700 protesters in New York on the weekend, the
protests against the power of the financial corporations have also
expanded to other cities in the United States. While under the slogan
"Occupy Wall Street" (busy on Wall Street), held rallies in New York
is already in its third week to go, were held on Monday, including in
Boston, Los Angeles and Chicago, similar demonstrations in front of
buildings of the Federal Reserve Bank .

The Wall Street opponents who at one place in Manhattan - the Zuccotti
Park - camp showed itself after the mass arrests to remain resolute.
"They thought we would go, but we are not," said the protester Kira
Moyer-Sims. "We will stay as long as possible."

The police continued their patrols around Wall Street and announced
further arrests, the protesters should break a law. On Saturday
hundreds of protesters across the Brooklyn Bridge from Manhattan to
Brooklyn were drawn. Some of them did not stay on the sidewalk, but
blocked a roadway. There were heated arguments with the police, who
arrested more than 700 of the protesters. Most of them were later
released.

On Sunday, the police let some of the demonstrators from their
makeshift cardboard houses built in Zuccotti Park break down, because
these homes were built illegally.

In 21 other cities were held by the organizing solidarity rallies. The
demonstrators in New York were also supported by celebrities such as
actor Alec Baldwin. This a video posted on his Twitter account that
made the rounds on the Internet. One of the many food donations for
the Wall Street adversaries whose information came from a man from
Egypt who called a New York pizza parlor there and ordered the
demonstrators.

The protest is directed against the cash-hungry corporations, global
warming and the growing social inequality, had begun with a handful of
students. Meanwhile, every day "plenary meetings" held, there are
health care and access to legal assistance for all detained
protesters. The Internet has focused on the rally site, even a
newspaper is now published.